Speech by South Antrim TUV Assembly candidate Richard Cairns:
Thank you for your warm welcome Mr Chairman.
It was an inspiration to hear from all the speakers this morning. It is always a tough challenge to follow our party leader, but even more so today as I have had to watch and listen to both Kate Hoey and Cllr Henry Reilly. Those three people encapsulate what politics should be about – a principled conviction to do what is right.
The desire to do what is right is at the heart of TUV. That is why we are all gathered here today in Templepatrick. That is why this party, and this party alone, will put principle before power.
The TUV message since 2007 has been a clear and concise statement of intent – that a forced coalition government is one that will fail. A voluntary coalition, a coalition of the willing, is the democratic option of this party. Only a coalition of the willing can provide stable, durable and sustainable devolution for Northern Ireland. And that Conference is what TUV wants.
We are a party that has continually punched above our weight. We have heard today of the many successes TUV has had. But we also face challenges.
At this very conference in 2014 this party was set a challenge by political commentator Alex Kane.
Alex Kane had this to say:
“It’s not enough to rattle on and on about the flaws, you need a very clear strategy for delivering the changes you want. What’s your strategy for the reform and rewrite that will be required? What’s your fallback position if your first choice option isn’t possible?”
That is a challenge that the TUV is eager to meet.
In October we launched our Path to Making Stormont Work – a challenge to other parties, and a lifeline to the people of Northern Ireland – it contains two models of how democratic government could be obtained.
Let me take you briefly through the proposals, and you can make up your own mind:
TUVs Plan A: voluntary coalition
Our preference has been long known – a coalition of the willing; a voluntary coalition, where parties willingly go into government together. There is an election to Stormont, when the parties are returned they negotiate with each other to see who can form a government and on what agreed platform. Those parties which can demand the requisite support on what to do about health, education and bread and butter issues form the government. Those who cannot, agree form the opposition and hold the government to account. Therefore all MLAs have a constructive role to play.
Ladies and gentlemen – it should not surprise you to hear that that is how democratic governments are formed throughout the western world.
Why is that? Quite simply – because it works.
Our opponents say because we don’t want mandatory coalition, we must therefore want direct rule.
Why? Why does it have to be one or the other? Conference, that only shows up our opponent’s own lack of creative vision to make Stormont work. TUV have gone further and suggested a Plan B – something other parties do not want people to hear about – because it makes sense.
The scare tactic used over the last 20 years in this country is the fear of Direct Rule – that this would be worse for the unionist people of Northern Ireland. Fear that it would be worse than terrorist inclusive government.
TUV have not shied away from tackling that issue.
Our Plan B: Direct Rule Ministers, working with a legislative Assembly
By its nature devolution embraces two distinct aspects: legislative devolution (exercised by the Assembly) and executive devolution (exercised by the Executive). Analysis of the failure of the present Stormont throws up the obvious conclusion that it is the dimension of executive devolution which has failed. The passing of Ann’s Law by Jim is proof that legislative devolution can work.
So, if parties do not accept Voluntary Coalition at this stage, then we can still do better. Under TUV’s Plan B policy, Direct Rule would be democratised. By making British Ministers accountable to the Northern Assembly – in essence they replace the dysfunctional executive – they then have to pass any legislation through the Assembly, having that legislation going through the full scrutiny of the Stormont committees.
By this method you put accountability into direct rule. At least our Plan B is one in which we seek to maximise accountability to the Assembly, and, crucially to the people of Northern Ireland. Direct Rule Ministers would not therefore be able to pass legislation over the will of the Assembly, as the scaremongers say, but would have to persuade local MLAs of any legislation they wanted to pass.
Let me deal with some of the naysayers, those that wish to dismiss TUV’s vision for the restoration of democracy:
They say, “This is a backwards step”.
Mr Chairman, have you noticed how the most sectarian institution in Northern Ireland is Stormont itself? You have to formally state your constitutional position before taking your seat. Why? Well to allow for cross-community vetoes and the undemocratic Petitions of Concerns to be used and abused along ethnic lines.
Mr Chairman, if you build up barriers and one-community thinking in government, that will be replicated not eradicated in society. Voluntary coalition puts bread and butter issues, not constitutional matters, at the core.
They say, “The TUV preference is for direct rule”.
No it isn’t – TUV demand and will work for a proper, workable system of devolution based on democratic principles. If it’s good enough for everyone else in the democratic world, it’s good enough for Northern Ireland. If our politicians truly want to deliver for society, why would they want to sell the Northern Irish people short?
Mr Chairman, it’s simple: If we cannot have a workable voluntary coalition, then we maximise the accountability and democratic nature of the default option.
They say, “But other parties won’t agree to a voluntary coalition”.
Mr Chairman, conference – Why give self-interested, self-serving politicians the veto on change? Why is it good enough that MLAs and countless Special Advisers are allowed to say, “the Party comes first” and not the people? And the challenge to other parties who claim to be serious about voluntary coalition is this: where was it in the Belfast Agreement, St Andrews Agreement, Stormont House or the most recent Fresh Start agreements?
It’s not good enough to say, “it’s too hard”. It’s not good enough to say, “we won’t try”. Politicians are elected to lead. Politicians are paid to deliver. Through mandatory coalition, there is no motivation for parties to do either. With no threat of being voted out of government, parties have no inclination to serve anyone but themselves. Little wonder, at Stormont we’ve seen, “the party comes first”.
Conference, the quickest way to ensure agreement on having a voluntary coalition in this country, if it can’t be agreed on now, is through TUV and our Plan B. Take away the ministerial cars, take away the Special Advisors, take away the ego massaging and we will see how long it takes before them to bang on the voluntary coalition door to get their feet back under their ministerial desk.
Just last week Marty told us part of the reason he signed up to a Fresh Start was to keep him in a job. Just imagine how quickly Marty would be on his feet, on his way to the Army Council demanding they allow him to agree to a Voluntary Coalition if our Plan B stopped poor Marty strutting the world’s stage as spokesman for Northern Ireland. Conference, Marty would be on his feet faster than Sammy Morrison at the prospect of singing God Save The Queen up at Stormont.
Ladies and gentlemen – there is no shortcut. There is much work to be done. TUV have a positive and inclusion vision for Northern Ireland. This will not happen overnight, but by each and every one of us working together.
The Assembly election will be fast upon us – this party must hit the ground running. I am looking forward to this campaign, a campaign that will define this party. A campaign I believe will be the making of this party.
We need the people of Northern Ireland. And, I suspect, they need us.
I’ll leave you today with this final thought – with one MLA we have achieved so much – be proud of what we all have done – but be determined that we can and must do more.
Conference, we can’t afford anymore “Business as usual”. Conference, we cannot afford anymore “Stormont as usual”.